Naming journalists in Goa’s drug mafia nexus

When 'watchdogs' get high on grass! Mayabhushan Nagvenkar in (www.digitalgoa.com)	Police name journalists in police-politician-drug mafia nexus (IANS)	Frederick Nornonha in GoaJourno
Journalists have been called (very often mistakenly) the watchdogs of society. This attribute may fit the profession like a glove theoretically, in practice however, a journalist today is best described by the behavioral traits of these three animals. Snarling 'wolves' when chasing a story where the subject is of no consequence, startled 'mice' when chasing a story where the subject is either powerful or has links to their media house's management and scared ostriches burying their heads in the sand, when the subject of the story is one of their own tribe and on the receiving end. The mention of Vilas (in every likelihood Vilas Mahadick, a senior crime reporter from Marathi Daily Dainik Gomantak) in the custodial interrogation report (CIR) of the anti narcotics police, as being on the payroll of Israeli drug dealer Dudu, has surprised few journalists covering the police head quarters beat. Vilas's name tumbled out into the open after the police submitted the CIR to the High court and the latter mentioned excerpts from it (including the passage where the role of Vilas and other unnamed journalists who were on the payroll of Dudu), in the bail order of police inspector Ashish Shirodkar, who had been earlier arrested for his links to the drugs mafia. While, Vilas may have been 'unfortunate' enough to merit a mention, with the help of facts stated in the CIR (quoted by Justice N A Britto's in his illuminating and educative order), we at Digital Goa can help our reader and colleagues from the media track down a few more journos, who could have been on Dudu's take and freeloading off the Israeli's long running gravy train. While the stray mention of "several journalists" being on the payroll of Dudu, puts an unfair question on the host of reporters, who cover the crime beat, the CIR clearly states that the hafta or protection money was either paid to the journos who were close to either Vilas or Ashish Shirodkar. So the laser beam instantly swings in the face of those journalists who were in the constant company of the journo-cop duo. There's another significant indicator which can help pinpoint these payroll journalists. The CIR quoting Dudu mentions that "in the year 2005-2006, some journalists of newspapers started writing against me". Incidentally, if memory serves right, this was also around the time when a local English newspaper started a loud 'campaign' against drugs in the coastal belt of Goa and also around the time when one of the journalists even received a purported death threat from the drug mafia. While the death threat could never be officially corroborated, the campaign also ended suddenly and inexplicably with a whimper. This can sure enough be verified if one makes a quick trip to the Central Library in Panaji and checks the archives of this local English newspaper with a relatively small circulation. The bylines of the reporters (and the editor), possibly close friends of Vilas who filed these stories should help solve part of the mystery. Journalists as deal makers for the drug mafia has been a long standing affair. Even back in 1999/2000, a set of journalists were used by a local drug dealer, a PA of a former transport minister and an indigenous rave party organiser, to take on the might of Jehangir Wadia, (son of tycoon Nusli Wadia), who wanted to hold the biggest rave of his own in recent times at Anjuna. But will the police act name the other journalists involved and act against them? The large sums of money which Vilas received were proceeds from the sale of drugs. Will the police department try to track down the assets purchased by the journo with the drug money? Will the police also try and track down the other journalists, including the former editor of an English language daily, who was on Dudu's payroll? And finally will the fourth estate stop frothing about committing the government to giving them interest free laptops and computers and do some rigorous soul searching? It is time such questions are at least asked. Answers, if any can hopefully follow later.	Panaji, June 3  Officials investigating the police-politician and drug-mafia nexus in Goa have told the Bombay High Court that several journalists were key players in the nexus and collected ‘hafta' (extortion money) to block adverse stories against an Israeli drug dealer. Police have also said that the several journalists, including a crime reporter, in Goa were also on the payrolls of drug dealer David Driham alias Dudu, who was operating in the state for nearly a decade. In a custodial interrogation report submitted to the Panaji bench of the Bombay High Court, the Anti Narcotics Cell (ANC) sleuths have said that Dudu used to pay ‘hafta' to police constable Sandeep Parab alias Kamin and journalist Vilas - referring to Vilas Mahadik, a crime reporter working with a leading local Marathi newspaper Gomantak. "In the years 2005-2006,some journalists of newspapers started writing against me. This caused a lot of irritation and trouble for me for continuing to stay in Goa . At that time I sought help of Sandeep Parab alias Kamin (a policeman arrested for links to the drugs mafia). He got in touch with a news reporter by name Vilas. They contacted some journalists and told me that they had taken care of the matter and no more news item would appear in the newspapers about me," states Dudu's interrogation report submitted to the high court, excerpts of which are available on the official website of the Bombay High Court. "I had paid a large sum of money to Kamin and his friend Vilas. Later, the media reports about me reduced appearing in the newspapers. From that time onwards I maintained good relations with some journalists by paying them protection money regularly," the report compiled by police sub-inspector Sunil Gudlar states, adding that Vilas would also come directly to his house to collect the protection money. PSI Gudlar also said that according to Dudu's interrogation report, Ashish Shirodkar, a police inspector who was arrested for his links to the drugs mafia, "also used to pay money on my behalf to some newspaper reporters. He had promised me that he would take care about the news reporters and keep them quiet about me". When contacted for comment, Gomantak editor Suresh Naik said: "We are taking due cognizance of the high court order."	Interesting. Is this (IANS story) based on the police  invest-igations, or the allegations of the alleged drug dealer? And shouldn't he be identified as an *alleged* drug dealer till he is convicted? In a custodial interrogation reported submitted to the Panaji bench of the Bombay High court, the anti-narcotics cell (ANC) sleuths have said that Dudu used to pay hafta (protection money) police constable Sandeep Parab alias Kamin and journalist Vilas -- referring to Vilas Mahadik, a crime reporter  working with a leading local vernacular newspaper Gomantak. Seems quite easy to drag in someone's name on the basis of the allegations of an accused. It would be interesting to see how this issue shapes up... Would it be like the "German mother", "German girl" case ... lots of allegations, lots of headlines (and political capital too), and then zilch? " He got in touch with a news reporter by name Vilas. They contacted some journalists  and told me that they had taken care of the  matter and no more news item would appear in the news papers about me." Seems a little difficult to believe. If the police were stifling the story, then nothing would emerge in the first place. (Remember how no journalist in Goa had a clue about Scarlett's death till 3-4 days later, and the UK press learnt about it before Goa did?) Earlier too, fantastic sums were mentioned as the hush-money paid to the media; even at a small fraction of what was claimed, we would have had many extremely rich journos around. It seems to be virtually impossible to "report" on specific drug dealers -- unless the police (or maybe some rival gang) wants the story out. If I recall right, a couple of our colleagues tried to pin-down some small time peddlar (or was it a user?) and got harassed no end by the police themselves. Correct me if I got my details wrong, but I think they ended up being declared "hostile witnesses". Some of you know the details:-) Dudu's interrogation report submitted to the High court, excerpts of which  are available on the official website of the Bombay High Court, states. Some URL for this? "I had paid a large sum of money to Kamin and his friend Vilas. Later the  media reports about me reduced appearing in the news papers. From that time onwards I maintained good relations with some journalists by paying them  protection money regularly," The report compiled by police sub inspector states. Interesting. Makes me wonder why he would want to say this, even assuming it's true.... When contacted for comment editor of Gomantak Suresh Naik said: "We are  taking due cognizance of high court order". Is it a "high court order" or just an observation made by a judge, based on what the accused is supposed to have said? However corrupt our profession may be (assuming it is, as claimed, though I know many who are not) the due process of law needs to be followed. Whether it is the (now-forgotten) child-molestation case or this, what comes to mind is this: Trial by Media is a phrase popular in the late 20th century and early 21st century to describe the impact of television and newspaper coverage on a person's reputation by creating a widespread perception of guilt regardless of any verdict in a court of law.